JACKSONVILLE: You can’t make this up!

The JAX Chamber (Jacksonville Chamber of Commerce) announced on October 7, 2026, that it opposes Florida Amendment 3 and is urging a NO vote.

The City of Jacksonville just handed the JAX Chamber another $750,000 for fiscal year 2025-26, approved 18-1 in late October 2025 after a brief pause so council could ask for receipts.

That is the same annual check the city has been writing for years — $500,000, then $750,000 — earmarked for “national and international marketing” through JaxUSA.

Meanwhile the smaller Black, Hispanic, and Asian chambers split $80,000 three ways and still have to fight to get it.

Then look at the payroll.

On the chamber’s IRS Form 990, CEO Daniel Davis is reported at about $513,000 base and roughly $609,000 total compensation.

JaxUSA president Aundra Wallace is around $368,000 base and about $440,000 total.

The COO is near $197,000.

Several other senior people clear $155,000.

Compensation and benefits for the organization run over half of roughly $11 million in revenue.

So taxpayers fund the marketing arm of a private 501(c)(6) whose top two executives alone take home more than the entire city check, while council members occasionally grumble about political positions and then vote yes anyway.

The money is “for marketing,” not salaries — until you remember money is fungible and the people cashing those checks are the ones deciding how the city’s contribution gets spent.

A Tale of Two Schools

The Duval County School Board and the central office spent the better part of 2026 treating the Venetia neighborhood like a blank spreadsheet cell.

Venetia Elementary, a 1942 building on Timuquana Road with roughly 350 kids, was going to be razed and replaced with a 1,200-seat “prototype” elementary.

Ortega Elementary, under 300 students, would be shut after 2027–28 and folded in. The original shut date was 2030.

The other 500 or 600 seats? Boundaries “to be determined later.”

Cost figures floated as high as the $70–75 million range before staff promised it would come in “well under $50 million.”

And the first concrete ask was a $2.2 million preconstruction contract so the design could start before anyone had answered the obvious questions.

Neighbors did the unglamorous work the district skipped.

They printed flyers, knocked on doors, and showed up.

They pointed out that Timuquana already backs up when the current school lets out.

They noted the site is landlocked, that drainage is already a local obsession, and that a neighborhood school you can walk or bike to is not the same thing as a regional campus fed by buses from somewhere else.

They asked, repeatedly, where the extra kids were supposed to come from.

The answers stayed vague because the real driver was utilization math and a 2019 facilities plan, not a traffic study or a straight conversation with the people who live there.

Neighbors on Timuquana are not inventing the traffic. A school that currently serves a few hundred kids does not magically absorb Ortega plus five new pre-K rooms without a car line that backs into the streets.

The process made it worse. Ortega’s closure advanced with the kind of quiet procedural speed that makes people assume the outcome was decided before the microphones were turned on.

Community meetings arrived with thin notice. A surplus-property move on Ortega drew the same complaint: the district was writing the ending before it finished the chapter.

The district ran a traffic study after the shouting started.

Parents at both schools said the process skipped its own rules.

Stockton families started asking who else was quietly next.

Superintendent Christopher Bernier eventually told a packed room he was “hearing” the Venetia community “very, very clear.” Hearing is cheap.

The $2.2 million contract still came up for a vote.

On September 1 the board finally blinked, 6–1, with only Tony Ricardo in favor. Chair Charlotte Joyce said the district had lost trust and had to get it back. That vote was the correct one, and it only happened because residents forced it.

A board that needs a hallway full of angry neighbors before it slows a multi-tens-of-millions project is not exercising oversight. It is reacting to embarrassment.

The revision that followed is not a conversion. Staff came back with 840 seats instead of 1,200, Italian-revival trim so the box looks less like a box, a traffic study, and a car queue sized for more vehicles than the model says it needs.

Ortega is still closing. Five VPK classes are still being added. The price is still in the neighborhood of $50 million. Approval is still aimed at a November board meeting, with an opening target of 2028.

Some Venetia parents, reasonably, want the falling-apart building replaced and said so; at the September 29 meeting they got booed by people who think the trees and the road matter too.

Both groups are arguing past a district that treated “right-sizing” as a mandate and community consent as a scheduling problem.

This is what the half-penny sales tax politics always risk becoming. Voters were sold repairs and smarter facilities.

What they got on the Westside was a prototype campus dropped onto a street that already fails at one-third the proposed load, justified by payroll efficiency and a Polk County-shaped floor plan, with the hard questions deferred until after the contract.

Consolidating two small elementaries can be defensible. Building a much larger school on a constrained site, while refusing to say who else is coming, and then acting surprised when the zip code objects, is not management.

It is a preference for clean capacity numbers over the actual place.

The September vote proved the board can still be moved.

The October “compromise” proves the central office would rather resize the same plan than abandon the premise.

Until Duval stops designing the school first and discovering the neighborhood second, every future closure is going to look like Venetia: a fight the district scheduled, then claimed it never saw coming.

A tale of two schools, sure—except both of them are being written by the same central office.

The Diary of an Incompetent Mayor by Donna Deegan

Dear Diary,

Woke up, checked the crime stats, closed the tab. If I don’t look at them, they can’t hurt me.

Spent the morning explaining that “equity” is a public-safety strategy and that the real emergency is whoever still uses the phrase “law and order.”

The press conference went well. I smiled, said “community,” and no one asked about the open positions in the police department.

Lunch with the consultants. They love the new slogan: “Jacksonville, but softer.”

We workshopped ways to rebrand the budget hole as an investment in vibes.

One of them suggested we stop calling 911 response times “response times” and start calling them “arrival journeys.”

Genius. I wrote it down.

Afternoon: another meeting about the homeless encampments. I proposed more studies, a task force, and a mural.

Someone mentioned enforcement. I told them enforcement is a colonial framework and changed the subject to shade structures. The room nodded. Nodding is how you know you’re leading.

Evening email from the city attorney. Something about contracts, deadlines, and “material noncompliance.” I forwarded it to staff with the note “pls handle, thx.”

Leadership is delegation.

Before bed I scrolled the comments. Half the city thinks I’m incompetent. The other half thinks I’m brave for being incompetent in the correct direction. I screenshotted the second half for the campaign folder.

Tomorrow: ribbon-cutting for a pilot program that pilots other pilot programs. If it fails, we’ll call it a learning experience and fund phase two.

Sleep well, Jacksonville. I’ve got this. Or someone on staff does. Probably.